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Between 1996 and 2002, UNMIBH ran a large police mission in Bosnia, the International Police Task Force (IPTF). One of the tasks it set itself was to rid the Bosnian police forces of inappropriate personnel through an exhaustive vetting procedure. Altogether, the UN assessed some 18,000 police officers and declared 793 unfit to exercise police powers. These individuals were banned from serving as police for life – a very severe sanction. Yet the UN failed to offer the most basic procedural safeguards, which the UN Secretary-General himself has noted is the difference between legitimate vetting and "wholesale purges". The banned police officers were given no opportunity to respond to the evidence against them. Some were not even told the reason for their disqualification. Among the 793, there are at least 150 cases that IPTF could not finalise during its mandate, and whose fate was simply left hanging. Some of these cases clearly involve serious injustice.

This is a story about the economic decline and social crisis of a formerly proud textile town in a country well-placed on the edge of the largest market for clothes and textiles in the world (the EU), but unable to take advantage of it. It is also a story about the costs of non-Europe in the Balkans. The town is Leskovac; the country is Serbia; and the key policy question is how it was possible that all of Serbia's neighbours were winners in the global restructuring of the textile and clothing industry (TCI), while Serbia was a looser.

1998’den evvel, Şansölye Helmut Kohl’un CDU/CSU ve FDP koalisyonu Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine karşı çıkıyordu. 2004 senesinde Angela Merkel - partisinin de tercihi olan -Türkiye için imtiyazlı ortaklık seçeneği için lobi yapıyordu. Sonbahar 2005’den beri Almanya Şansölye Merkel liderliğinde Hristiyan Demokratlar ( CDU/CSU) ve Sosyal Demokratlar (SPD)’dan oluşan büyük koalisyon tarafından yönetiliyor. Kimileri Şansölye Schröder başkanlığındaki SPD/Yeşiller koalisyonunun ayrılmasıyla Almanya’nın Türkiye’ye yönelik siyasetlerinde bir değişim yaşanmasını bekledi. Fakat şimdiye kadar bu olmadı.

Before 1998, the coalition of CDU/CSU and FDP under Chancellor Helmut Kohl had opposed Turkey's EU aspirations. In 2004 Angela Merkel, still lobbied for her party's preference of a privileged partnership for Turkey. Since autumn 2005 Germany has been governed by a Grand Coalition of Christian Democratic Union (CDU/CSU) and Social Democratic Party (SPD) under the leadership of Chancellor Angela Merkel. There were some expectations that the departure of the SPD/Green coalition under Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer would yet again change German policy on Turkey. So far, however, this has not happened.

The Austrian Social Democrats (SPÖ), scoring 35.7 percent, won. Alfred Gusenbauer, the SPÖ leader since 2000, is likely to be the next Chancellor. The loser of these elections is the party of the current Chancellor, Wolfgang Schüssel, the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP). It lost 8.1 percentage points, reaching 34.2 percent. The ÖVP had led a coalition government with a smaller right-wing party (FPÖ/BZÖ) since early 2000. The SPÖ had led all Austrian governments from 1970 to early 2000. The third-strongest party is the right-wing Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) of Heinz-Christian Strache. Jörg Haider had left this party in spring 2005 to create his own Future of Austria Coalition (BZÖ). The Freedom Party won 11.2 percent of the votes, and the BZÖ 4.2 percent. The Green Party came forth with 10.3 percent, but remains too small to join a government coalition with either the SPÖ or the ÖVP. The most likely outcome is now a grand coalition of SPÖ and ÖVP, led by Alfred Gusenbauer. This change of government in Austria has implications for Austrian policy towards Turkey.

Avusturya’nın 1 Ekim 2006 Pazar günü gerçekleştirilen parlamento seçimleri kimsenin beklemediği bir şekilde sonuçlandı.

If there is one universal conviction about post-war Kosovo, it is that its economy is fuelled by remittances from the diaspora. This paper argues that times are changing. Remittances have fallen significantly from their post-war high, when they funded the reconstruction of homes across Kosovo. This report contains an unwelcome message for EU member states: it is simply incoherent to invest hundreds of millions of euros in the stabilisation of Kosovo, and at the same time to slam the door so abruptly on any further migration. The report also contains some uncomfortable messages for Kosovo’s own policy makers. Migration and remittances have been a lifeline, but they have not brought about development.

Nëse ekziston një bindje e përgjithshme në gjithë Kosovën e pasluftës, është ajo që paratë e dërguara nga diaspora mbajnë në këmbë ekonominë e këtij vendi. Hartuesit e politikave ndihen gabimisht rehat kur mendojnë se diaspora dhe zemërgjerësia e saj do të vazhdojë edhe në të ardhmen, jo vetëm te mbush zbrazëtinë ne ekuilibrin financiar te Kosovës, por se gjithashtu paratë e dërguara prej tyre do te krijojnë një rrjet jozyrtar sigurie sociale, sidomos për familjet e varfra, duke zëvendësuar kështu ne një fare mënyre Shtetin e Mirëqenies Sociale.

Wenn es seit dem Krieg eine Grundüberzeugung zum Kosovo gibt, dann die, dass dessen Wirtschaft durch Finanztransfers aus der Diaspora gespeist wird. Politische Entscheidungsträger gehen von der bequemen Annahme aus, die Diaspora und ihre sagenhafte Großzügigkeit werde nicht nur weiterhin eine wesentliche Lücke in Kosovos Zahlungsbilanz füllen, sondern darüber hinaus ein informelles soziales Sicherungssystem für mittellose Haushalte bereitstellen und so die Abwesenheit eines Wohlfahrtstaates kompensieren.

Tensioni i lartë politik që është duke i përcjellë negociatat për status final, lehtë mund ta mjegullojë prezencën e një sfide të madhe që e pret Kosovën pas zgjidhjes së statusit. Për më se gjysmë shekulli, Kosova ka ngecur pas Evropës si në aspektin social ashtu dhe në atë ekonomik. Vendimi mbi statusin, si i vetëm, nuk do ta ndryshojë këtë trend. Për një ndryshim të tillë, duhet ndërmarrë ndërrime fundamentale në mënyrën se si qeveriset Kosova.

Amidst the high political drama surrounding final status talks, it is easy to lose sight of the vast challenge facing Kosovo once status is resolved. In social and economic terms, Kosovo has been falling behind Europe for half a century. A decision on status alone will not break this trend. It will require major changes in the way Kosovo is governed.

Çelësi i të ardhmes së Kosovës ndodhet në një pjesë të vogël territori me më pak se tri kilometra katrorë. Të gjitha çështjet e rëndësishme në bisedimet mbi statusin final ndeshen në Mitrovicë. Mitrovica e Veriut është pjesa e fundit e Kosovës e cila është ende nën administrimin direkt ndërkombëtar. Decentralizimi akoma duhet të ndodh; kthimi dhe të drejtat pronësore vazhdojnë të mbesin burime tensionesh; strukturat e sigurisë mungojnë; dhe institucionet – si ato lokale ashtu edhe ato ndërkombëtare – nuk kanë reaguar efektivisht ndaj krizës ekonomike të qytetit, e cila është duke u thelluar.

The key to Kosovo's future lies with a small piece of territory less than three square kilometres in size. All of the most pressing issues in the final status talks come to a head in Mitrovica. North Mitrovica is the last part of Kosovo still under direct international administration. Decentralisation is yet to occur, return and property rights remain a source of tension, security structures have been found sorely wanting, and institutions on the ground

The Netherlands is central to understanding the European debate on the future of enlargement. This study suggests that the language of Dutch politicians, however guarded, is not the language of enlargement fatigue. Dutch politicians from all the major parties have been willing to lead the debate, rather than blindly following opinion polls. The Dutch Labour party (currently in opposition) has also continued to embrace enlargement without any apparent electoral cost. This holds out the hope that a similarly intense and informed debate in other member states might swing the balance of opinion back towards a 'strict but fair' approach that leaves the door open to further successful enlargement on the basis of merit.

Hollanda, genişlemenin geleceği konusunda Avrupa'da yapılan tartışmaların anlaşılmasında büyük önem taşımakta. Bu çalışmamızda gözlemimiz, Hollandalı politikacıların yaklaşımının ölçülü olmasına rağmen, genişleme yorgunluğu yansıtmadığı yolunda. Büyük partileri temsil eden Hollandalı politikacılar, kendilerini kamuoyu araştırmalarının yönlendirmesine izin vermeyerek, tartışmalara liderlik ediyorlar. Hollanda İşçi Partisi (halen muhalefette) genişleme konusunu savunmaya devam ediyor ve bu durum seçimlerde oy kaybına yol açmıyor. Diğer üye ülkelerde de yoğun ve bilinçli tartışmaların yapılması, kamuoyunun görüşünü, "ödünsüz ama adil" bir tutuma döndürülebilir. Bu tutum, hak edilen yeni üyeliklere, yani başarılı genişlemelere, kapıyı açık bırakmakta…

Between France and the UK, there is now a distinct possibility that the European Council meeting beginning on Thursday (15th December) will not just deny candidate status to Macedonia, but throw the entire European strategy in the Balkans into confusion. This would be a disastrous policy error. For this reason, ESI is calling on EU member states not to forget their commitments to the countries of the Balkans, and their vital interest in lasting stability in the region on the eve of Kosovo status negotiations.

Ce rapport explore les changements sociaux et économiques en cours dans la province de Kayseri peuplée d’un million d’habitants et située en Anatolie centrale. Il analyse un certain nombre de secteurs stratégiques: l’émergence de Kayseri comme un centre de fabrication de meubles, l’ascendance de la société Orta Anadolu qui totalise un pour cent de la production mondiale de denim et le succès de la raffinerie de sucre de Kayseri ainsi que son impact sur l’agriculture locale. Ces analyses illustrent comment, en une génération, une société en majeure partie rurale et marchande a avancé vers un capitalisme industriel à grande échelle. Elles démontrent aussi dans quelle mesure les politiques de gouvernements successifs ont fait des années 1990 ‘une décennie perdue’. Elles focalisent sur la transformation radicale de l’économie turque grâce aux réformes structurelles mises en place au lendemain de la crise économique de 2000-2001.

Dieser Bericht untersucht jene Prozesse sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Umbruchs in der zentralanatolischen Provinz Kayseri, in der eine Million Menschen leben. Es ist unser Ziel, die Debatte über die Türkei und ihre zwei Identitäten jenseits der Klischees zu tragen, die sie so lange prägten. Hierzu stellen wir die zentralanatolische Revolution einem europäischen Publikum vor. Dieser Bericht wurde für all jene geschrieben, die willens sind, die Türkei und ihre europäischen Bestrebungen im Lichte heutiger Realitäten zu betrachten.

Bu raporda, nüfusu bir milyonu bulan Orta Anadolu ili Kayseri'deki sosyal ve ekonomik değişiklikler inceleniyor. Amacımız, bu Orta Anadolu devrimini Avrupalılara tanıtarak, Türkiye'nin iki farklı kimliği hakkındaki tartışmayı yukarıda bahsedilen klişelerin ötesinde irdelemek. Rapor, Türkiye'nin ve Avrupa ile bütünleşme arzusunu güncel gerçeklerin ışığında değerlendirmek isteyenler için kaleme alındı.

This report explores processes of social and economic change in one Central Anatolian province - Kayseri, home to one million people. Our goal is to take the debate on Turkey and its two identities beyond the clich